Cuartelero socialism and the peace of the sepulchres

Although there is nothing more certain than this irrational fear of death, it seems that a growing number of Cubans persist in becoming corpses. I am not only referring to the disturbing throw from a rooftop, to the decision to suffocate with a rope around one’s neck, to the instantaneous consumption of several dozen tranquilizing pills or lethal portions of rodent poison, but also to that death in instalments caused by the ingestion of alcoholic beverages.

In Cuba, suicide continues to be one of the main causes of death, although the official press insists on hiding the figures that point to the existence of a serious psychosocial problem, worsened by the economic crisis that began in 1991, until today, as a result of the suspension of aid from the so-called socialist camp.

In the capital it is very natural to come across groups of heavy drinkers and people who have lost their minds, many of them from the accumulation of misfortunes and the lack of hope to benefit even from partial solutions. Alcohol, even industrial alcohol, previously distilled to reduce its harmful effects, is consumed with total lightness by this segment of the population, victim of alienation and where the increasing presence of young women and men is noted.

This is a phenomenon that belies the Government’s cheap enthusiasm for its management successes in all aspects of national affairs.

The administrators of neocastrism boast of the number of university graduates each year, of their ability to organize massive patriotic marches, of the absence of illiterates, of free access to public health and the preservation of monthly deliveries of rationed products, among other achievements, no less publicized, despite the economic setbacks, which they attribute solely and exclusively to the U.S. embargo.

For the sake of objectivity, it would be appropriate to add the revealing number of potentially suicidal alcoholics and orates who roam the streets and sleep in the portals of battered buildings.

The leap forward that television and radio reports describe, and that appear, as spectacular or more spectacular, in the pages of the flat press, is pure mirage. In reality, life in Cuba has to do with upheavals and escapes, nothing to do with prosperity or approaches to the spheres of rationality and calm.

Precisely, alcohol is an escape route at the expense of overflowing with walkers in the years to come. Living like a zombie is part of a process determined by circumstances.

It is not easy, to have to steal to satisfy a minimum portion of the basic necessities, to shelter in a quarter in danger of collapse, to sleep on a filthy and ramshackle mattress and to bathe with a splinter of soap and half a bucket of water. Millions of Cubans have been facing these calamities on a daily basis for decades, and on top of that they can’t even complain out loud. They must do so discreetly or otherwise remain silent. Public scandal fines and contempt convictions are always available to those who overdo their dissatisfaction.

Everyday life is permeated with those agonies that everyone relieves in their own way. Some get drunk, thinking about the fatality of water everywhere. Others manage to break the siege of the Caribbean Sea and count the sorrows from other shores. The point is to escape from an unworthy existence with few possibilities of change, under the absolute hegemony of the Communist Party.

For many, suicide is the gateway to escape. Lacking the courage to die through a desperate act, some prefer to leave this world slowly with their viscera saturated with alcohol. About twenty friends and acquaintances have opted for this type of escape. Others languish step by step, their faces deformed by drunkenness and the scrapes of falls and fights that occur in the fullness of drunkenness.

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An unavoidable contribution to Guantanamo culture from exile

Manuel Augusto Lemus Martínez is another of the millions of Cubans who opted to leave Cuba in search of better horizons.

Together with Germán Guerra, Rebeca Ulloa, Ena Ruíz Columbié, Julio Benítez, Octavio Armand and many other Guantanamo poets and writers whom I do not remember now, they left for exile with no more luggage than the hope and the memory of what they lived in the land, indelible trace that they have modeled according to their experiences. Since that absence of their homeland, which has bled our culture, they have managed to continue taking Cuba deep inside.

Shortly after arriving in Guantánamo, in the mid-1980s, I met Lemus, who at that time stood out in the city’s cultural environment for his research and poetic work. On more than one occasion I noticed his eagerness to preserve magazines, documents, photographs and any source that would help him to enrich his archive.

Now, from exile, Lemus surprises us with his book Archivos Guantanameros, published by Ediciones Exodus in 2018 with the collaboration of the Cuban Institute of Cultural Sciences of the Diaspora and with the publication of Ángel Velázquez Callejas. We are surprised because the work, in two volumes, shows the magnitude of their work, which reflects the patience and time used to carry out what to date is the most complete, serious and complete research on Guantanamo writers, their publications and much more.

What I affirm is not only my opinion, but that of all those who so far have had the opportunity to review the book that Lemus graciously sent to the local poet Alex Ruiz. And it is that the work is not limited to record aspects of the life and work of literary creators of the terroir, but also goes into the investigation of the footprint that relevant Cuban intellectuals, such as Don Fernando Ortíz, and foreigners like Max Henríquez Ureña, Pedro Mir and archaeologist Mark Raymond Harrington have planted in the region of Guaso. That imprint, together with the work of those who have been born and written here, and also that which has been left by the flattened ones, constitutes ̶ I believe ̶ what Lemus has called “la guantanameritud”.

There is also updated information on the poet Octavio Armand, unknown here due to his prolonged stay in exile for ideological reasons, but considered by many who have read his work the most important poet guantanamero of the second half of the twentieth century.

In the Introduction, Lemus states with incisive sincerity: “Without distinction, along with the consecrated ones, there are occasional writers, minor writers, spoiled writers and even forgettable writers. The born, the flattened and the passing ones, those who left the imprint or the detritus of their work in some bend of the way of the Guantanameritude. Even at the risk of seeming chauvinist I have appropriated of all, without old-fashioned suspicions, calling for a new cultural paradigm of our environment. We already know that there are no unpunished innocences, we will pay the price”.

It’s too early to make a definitive judgment on this book. I very much doubt that, for now, despite its values, it will be published in Guantánamo, because it is already known, as Lemus states, that “there are no unpunished innocences”, but, I add, much less courageous acts that do not receive discriminatory silence as a response from intolerant people. What is unquestionable is that his book constitutes a resounding lie to those who affirm that Cuban culture only takes place within our insularity.

I am also sure that the only consequence of Lemus’ efforts here so far is gratitude. Gratitude for his sincerity, for not excluding anyone ̶ or even, as he himself states, the forgettable ̶ and for having provided us with so much valuable information so far published half-heartedly or silenced. Gratitude for remembering those of us who, still alive, breathe in the burning chapel that the dictatorship wants to impose on us as the only social and cultural space, unfortunately with the conspiracy of many of those mentioned in that work, and who always have a sentence to the surface to justify their cowardice in exchange for the repeated tributes paid to them by the authorities and other crumbs, quotas of power and privileges, for keeping silent in the face of abuses and tacitly defending the dictatorship, not inconsiderable dividends given the circumstances, especially when it requires dignity and courage to live these times with decorum and is not an intellectual of national resonance.

But there will already be someone who will one day make that story, someone like Lemus, who will also delve into the intricacies of these times and reveal the names of the protagonists of that vileness, today aupados, tomorrow presented in all the magnitude of their servitude.

And although in the end everything is vanity, as is affirmed in Ecclesiastes, and one day the Earth will disappear into the infinity of the universe, and the names of the greatest authors, nor of the geniuses, nor of the forgotten ̶ will not be saved, the phrase was said some time ago by José Saramago, when he was asked if it bothered him to be nominated year after year for the Nobel Prize and not to obtain it ̶ is worth imagining, much more firmly believe that in the midst of that unknown and indescribable catastrophe, will be the trace of hope that has to save the noblest of our little human soul ̶ Boti verse ̶ as undoubtedly is this invaluable contribution of Lemus to the culture guantanamera, which will also one day be dust, but as the great Spanish poet said, dust in love.

And as everything that comes from love illuminates, so long as we do not reach the end of the world ̶ which thank God is far away ̶ Guantanamero Archives will continue to shine.

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Black Spring sixteen years later

75 opponents are arrested and imprisoned

75 opponents are arrested and imprisoned

A police raid that covered practically the entire national territory giving rise to what in the world became known as the Black Spring of Cuba.

Dozens of opponents of the Castro regime were arrested, and 75 of them, sentenced to deprivation of liberty. They had sanctions of between six and twenty-eight years in prison, leading Amnesty International to declare that, “the condemned were prisoners of conscience,” given that the conduct of which they were accused was “peaceful and within the parameters of the legitimate exercise of fundamental freedoms guaranteed by international norms.

Considering, furthermore, that the charges were “politically motivated and disproportionate to the alleged crimes”.

The condemned were 74 men and one woman. Fidel Castro called her “one of the most notorious counterrevolutionary leaders”. At his home on February 24, 2003, a group of opponents gathered to commemorate the 108th anniversary of the War of Independence.

That patriotic act, called by the opposition, in which James Cason, then head of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana, also participated, Fidel Castro took it as an insult.

Martha Beatriz, an economist, sentenced to prison in the Black Spring and later with an extrapenal license, refused to leave Cuba, exiled, after the Group of 75 to be released.

But neither Martha Beatriz nor the rest of the opponents of the Group of 75 who remain in Cuba, technically, the extra-criminal license exempts them from the main sanction imposed nor from the accessories, so they are deprived of their rights, among which are the right to active and passive suffrage. In an election process they cannot elect or be elected.

Sixteen years ago, police cars braked, abruptly and ostentatiously, or with the utmost secrecy, in front of the houses of the opponents previously sentenced to prison. In their houses drawers were emptied, papers, books, old typewriters were seized, and then families saw their loved ones, guarded by policemen, depart for the dungeons.

I was not and I am not a “counterrevolutionary ringleader”, according to the late Fidel Castro, I am only captain of myself, but threatening me for having written the novel Bucaneros, the lieutenant colonel Abel Cervantes Palomino, at that time chief of penal processes in Las Tunas, very proudly told me: “We got the highest sanction of the 75”.

He was referring to Luis Enrique Ferrer García, detained in Puerto Padre, sentenced to 28 years in prison, after celebrating something like a Roman circus at the Universidad de Ciencias Médicas de Las Tunas.

And on days like this, I can only call Martha Beatriz to say to her: “Martha, the woman has in her favor femininity and at the same time the spiritual strength that allows her to appreciate an event with the subtlety that men often lack, then… How did you appreciate the arrests in 2003 and how do you appreciate the consequences of those arrests 16 years later?

“They took the prisoners from one end of the country to the other; but if the regime thought of bending the opposition, the shot went out the window. Instead of diminishing opposition increased, and led to the emergence of the Ladies in White, which are the visible face of opposition in exile, and in many parts of the world.

Martha Beatriz, Fidel Castro himself admitted that in February and March 2003 “we were already worse than in the days before that August 5, 1994,” when hundreds of Cubans protested at the Havana Malecon, accusing you of the “idea of unleashing a massive emigration, which would be the argument for an aggression against the country” on the part of the United States.

“There have been a few mass migrations in Cuba, but the opponents have never had anything to do with them.”

According to Roque Cabello, the only woman in the Group of 75, the arrests of the 2003 Black Spring occurred at a time of “weakness” of the regime, like the one living “now.

It is no secret, and even less so for the Castro regime, the growing discontent of the population as a result of the progressive shortage of supplies that Cuba is experiencing today, dissatisfactions exacerbated by the overflowing bureaucratism of an authoritarian regime that, in order to remain in power, decrees even how theatrical performances and painting exhibitions should be.

It is worth asking oneself: In order to silence Cubans, will castrism opt in 2019 for massive imprisonments such as those of the Black Spring of 2003?

Because of the international condemnation of that time and the determination of not a few opponents to die on hunger strike before carrying out unjust sanctions, large harvests of prisoners are not to be expected.

But the existence of Castro’sism is subordinated to the applause, or at least to the silence of the Cubans, and in order to maintain that applause or silence, given that Castro’s expertise is not the production of food or other goods but the construction of prisons, it is to be expected that the imprisonment and harassment of as many people as the Castro’s bloodhounds smell opposition will not cease, as it has been throughout these 60 years.

“In the life of a people, the turning point is when people let power go to criminals,” Willy Brad said. And as long as castrism exists in Cuba, no one who opposes the regime is safe. History has shown it from 1959 to the present day.

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Producer Miguel Mendoza dies, National Film Award 2019

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Miguel Mendoza, the producer of classic Cuban films such as Memorias del subdesarrollo, died on Sunday at 88 years of age in Havana, a few days after being recognized with the National Film Award 2019 for considering him a benchmark in his specialty.

Mendoza was one of the founders of the Cuban Institute of Art and Cinematographic Industry (ICAIC), where he held different positions until he reached the position of director of production of important films, a note from that state body stands out this Monday.

ICAIC also pointed out that at the age of 21 this important filmmaker took over the production of Soy Cuba, a Cuban-Soviet film premiered in 1964 by director Mikhail Kalatozov.

In reviewing his work, he recalls that from 1960 to 2004 the producer participated in the production of more than 45 feature and medium-length fiction films and some 20 commercials and video clips.

In addition to the production of director Tomás Gutiérrez Alea‘s films (Memorias del subdesarrollo and Fresa y Chocolate), which produced other films relevant to Cuban cinematography such as Manuela, La primera carga al machete, Los días del agua and Mujer transparente.

The ICAIC also highlighted that at the age of 21 this important filmmaker assumed the production of Soy Cuba, a Cuban-Soviet film premiered in 1964 by the director Mikhail Kalatózov.

He produced films such as Jacques Besnard’s Avanti (France), Alain Nahum’s Sharks in Havana, Jean Sagols’ Blue Indigo, both co-productions Cuba-France, Matusalem II and The Law of Silence (Canada) and Estorbo (Cuba-Brazil), a feature film by Ruy Guerra.

To this he added the production of serials for television and the courses and seminars of theory and technique for the production of audiovisuals that he taught as a teacher.

Mendoza’s death occurred when he was scheduled to receive in an official ceremony – next Friday, March 22 – the National Film Prize in the central ceremony for the 60th anniversary of the ICAIC.

The award was given to the producer shared with sound recorder Jerónimo Labrada and director of photography Livio Delgado, both with an outstanding trajectory within Cuban cinematography.

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The risks of parliamentarism

The new constitution, with the single party and the irrevocability of socialism and all rights conditioned to “the ends of socialist society,” seeks the perpetuity of post-fidel Castroism. In order to do this, he lays down all the roads with mines that could eventually lead to a transition to democracy.

The strange and capricious hybrid between the presidential system and the parliamentary system, in force in Cuba since 1976, is now replaced by the mandamases by a model more similar to the parliamentary model.

They have everything planned for tomorrow if the water reaches their necks, and are forced to make changes, not lose the power. Parliamentarism in its own way, under its own rules, with its own conditions, would be one way of achieving it.

I’ll explain myself, and for that I’ll make some assumptions in the future.

In order to avoid rebellion and being kicked out by the people in the face of an aggravation of the economic crisis to unsustainable extremes, rather than unleashing a bloody repression that provokes international repudiation and perhaps even U.S. intervention, some elements within the government and the Communist Party that emerged after the death of the elders of the so-called “historic leadership” could decide to initiate reforms, not only economic, but also political, but at their own pace.

Suppose that to cover the form they make a mimic of democracy, legalize some political parties and several of their members become elected deputies of the National Assembly.

You will find a parliament dominated by the communists, who may not be called that by then because they must have changed the name of the PCC, they will be the majority and they will control everything.

The new pro-democracy deputies will drag into parliament the quarrels and disagreements of when they were opponents, while the communists, given nothing to pluralism, formed in the most iron obedience, and by survival instinct, will maintain cohesion.

But let’s go even further on the suppositions, and imagine that time has passed, the situation is out of their hands and, through constitutional amendment, they have to allow a non-communist or coalition government to win in an election.

That government would have to deal with a parliament made up mostly of communists, which would no longer be the unanimous and applauding sanhedrin of trained seals that it is now, but a pot of crickets. And many of the crickets, obstructionists and saboteurs conscientiously.

As passionate as we Cubans are, and as intolerant as we have become that we can no longer argue in peace, not even by ballot, I do not doubt that the Members, in the event of a great disagreement, will insult each other in a very nice way and fall into the Chamber. All in all, if it has happened in some European parliaments…

Political parties are supposed to be stronger in parliamentary systems, but sometimes, to be a majority, they have to resort to coalitions with other parties, even if their programmes do not coincide with their own. It could happen, for example, that social democrats and centrists would have to seek alliance with communists in some kind of concertation.

It is to be expected that after 60 years of communist dictatorship people will instinctively reject anything that smells of the left, even the democratic left. But then, as a result of that same circumstance, they will come up against an extreme right that will shock them because it is too conservative and traditionalist on issues such as social spending, the family, customs, religion and churches, the rights of women and homosexuals, and so on. Consequently, in search of more liberal policies, many would vote for the democratic left, even though it is in coalition with the communists. These, by then, will have lowered the voltage of their rhetoric and will have tempered themselves, seeking the forgetfulness of their sins, to see if they can cajole. From there to the reconquest of power goes only one step. And then, we know what’s coming…

That is why, for a democracy to function properly, especially if it is parliamentary, it is important to avoid excesses of ideology, politicking and moralistic fundamentalisms, and for there to be both a coherent and pragmatic right and a democratic, sensible, responsible left that does not allow itself to be co-opted by the Communists.

I know that I am too far ahead in my political futurology lucubrations, which may seem nonsensical to some, but it is a good thing that all of us who aspire to live in a democracy are thinking about all this from now on.

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Havana World Music celebrates its final edition with artists from three continents

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Artists from Cuba and other countries of the American continent, Europe and even a South Korean band will perform this week at Havana World Music, the largest alternative music festival on the island, which in 2019 celebrates its sixth edition, which will also be the last according to its organizers.

A total of 24 musical groups will occupy the two stages of the Salón Rosado De La Tropical, emblematic cultural space of Havana, on Thursday 21, Friday 22 and Saturday 23, said the director of the musical event, singer Eme Alfonso, who will perform on the second day.

American band Ozomatli, a Los Angeles band that has accumulated seven studio albums in its career since the 1990s, and known for fusing styles such as Latin salsa and urban rhythms such as hip-hop, jazz and funk, will close Friday’s line-up.

On Thursday, singer Cimafunk, considered the musical phenomenon of 2018 in Cuba and included by Billboard magazine among the ten Latin artists to follow this year for his catchy mix of Cuban rhythms with funk, will take to the stage.

Also noteworthy is the presence of Korean Men, a band of seven musicians from South Korea that fuses traditional Korean rhythms with jazz.

Other prominent names include Spanish flamenco singer and guitarist Diego Guerrero, Canadian rappers Nomadic Massive, the Berlin-based eclectic iLBiLLY HiTEC collective, and the Brazilian group Mental Abstrato, which mixes Latin jazz with bossa nova, soul, groove and hip-hop.

The organizer announced at the press conference that this sixth edition will be the last of Havana World Music, which in previous years has attracted thousands of visitors, especially in the 2018 edition, which meant the return of the famous Cuban group Orishas to the stages of his country after nine years of absence.

Parallel to the concerts, the programme also includes spaces dedicated to body art, graffiti and various manifestations of dance.

Today also began the advance sale of tickets at a price of between 20 and 25 CUC (17-22 euros) per day or 50 CUC the three day voucher for foreigners, while Cubans and residents can buy them in local currency (CUP) at a price approximately 25 times lower.

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U.S. evaluates restricting Visa and Mastercard transactions in Venezuela

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The U.S. government is evaluating the possibility of imposing sanctions that would prevent U.S. companies Visa and Mastercard from processing credit card payments in Venezuela, a senior government official who asked for anonymity said.

That action, which is still being studied, would represent one more step in the U.S. economic pressure campaign against Venezuelan ruler Nicolás Maduro.

According to the official, the U.S. has concluded that it has legal authority to restrict transactions in Venezuela with Visa and Mastercard because both companies are based in the U.S. Visa is based in Foster City (California), while Mastercard is located in New York.

In Cuba, the use of Visa and Mastercard cards is restricted due to the U.S. economic embargo and, in fact, they generally only work on the Island if they have been issued by banks outside U.S. territory.

The U.S. has concluded that it has legal authority to restrict Visa and Mastercard transactions in Venezuela because both companies are based in the U.S.

Donald Trump’s government has increased its economic pressure on Maduro in recent weeks with the aim of forcing him out of power and allowing a “transition” led by opposition leader Juan Guaidó, interim president since January 23, supported by 54 countries.

The U.S. was the first country in the world to recognize Guaidó as president and, since then, has taken various actions to pressure Maduro, including the withdrawal of visas for Venezuelan officials and sanctions against Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), the main source of foreign exchange for the state coffers.

This week, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo met in Washington with his Indian counterpart, Vijay Gokhale, and asked him not to become Maduro’s “economic lifeline” and reduce his purchase of Venezuelan crude oil, which amounts to 300,000 barrels a day.

In addition, the U.S. on Monday sanctioned the Russian bank Evrofinance Mosnarbank for helping the Venezuelan government evade the economic sanctions imposed against Caracas.

Washington also sent a formal notice to all international banks this month to warn them that they will be sanctioned if they finance Maduro.

Another option that the U.S. is evaluating is the imposition of secondary sanctions on those companies that negotiate with Maduro-controlled companies, as Washington did in the case of foreign companies buying oil from Iran.

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I don’t attend lunch: apology for mistreatment in stores

Wait a minute, I’m having lunch,” one of the stalls of the downtown El Cadete store, located at the intersection of Monte and Águila streets in Old Havana, told customers on duty. Nothing has changed since Resolution No. 54 of 2018 on consumer protection in the internal trading system came into force on 3 June. For Leticia, a resident of Centro Habana, “the thing is not only that we have rights as consumers, but that they also have as sellers”. A fair analysis that very few would be able to understand, because no one can be in solidarity with inefficiency and mistreatment in state institutions.

It is enough to stand at a counter for five minutes and collect some impressions to understand the odyssey that is to buy between 11 and half in the morning and 2 in the afternoon.

“Do you know how many times I’ve gone without buying anything because I’m not looking for a problem?” asks a client. Another alleges that, if you have a relationship with a salesgirl, you may have better luck.

“If you take any of them with you, go and let go of the well and attend to you. They have the right to lunch and we what?” asks the woman.

“In Carlos III, enchanted by life, they close an entire apartment for you because the girl went to lunch,” says another client about a situation that is repeated over and over again in most Cuban stores.

For its part, the “Sensación” shop, one of the kiosks in Belascoaín, claims its right. “People are wrong, one is a human being too and I have to have lunch. This is not capitalism,” he says.

“If this were capitalism, they’d be shitting their pants,” says a woman named Xiomara. According to a friend, in other countries things don’t stop, that is, what she is having lunch, there is another cashier replacing her so that the sale doesn’t stop and people continue consuming.

“They neither stop nor close for lunch,” explains Xiomara, who seems to have a less distorted idea of what services and rights are in a system like capitalism, always caricatured in the official media.

Another Ultra store contributes its reasons to the debate and believes that the main problem is lack of companionship and mistrust.

“I prefer not to be replaced for a minute, which, if I move, I get. It’s happened to me several times, and what’s missing, I have to put in my pocket,” says the woman, which explains how inside each store there can be a group of saleswomen who obviously are not doing anything and can never replace those who need to be absent for an instant from work.

“Here it was taken as a measure that no one replaces anyone to avoid misunderstandings,” says a saleswoman in a store in Alamar, who claims that “not everyone knows how to do this,” as if to serve the public, sell products with a smile and give a correct change, you should do a master’s degree in science.

A Focsa clerk who didn’t want to identify himself correctly assures that “everyone who comes to work in a shop can’t do anything” and explains the network of “overcoming” that increases the category and possibilities of the workers.

“Because the nail is also mistreatment,” says Cecilia. “Then they don’t want to be called thieves, and we’re the snitches if we complain,” he adds.

The list of maltreatment in stores and shopping malls is long. Many times they don’t get back at any time of the day no matter how much they’ve sold. Others do not allow more than four customers within the markets, while the rest queues under the sun. Meat and refrigerators that are locked with keys. In many cases there is no one in charge of taking out the products. All this coupled with more institutional mistreatment that responds to regulations that nobody knows where they came from or who dictated them.

Cecilia believes that all these situations have led people to lose perspective on the issue: “Sometimes we treat each other as if we were animals.”

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United States limits the tourist visa for Cubans

United States limits the tourist visa for Cubans

Alignment of reciprocity

We inform you that the U.S. Embassy in Havana established that since March 18, 2019, the type B-2 visa, used for tourism trips and family visits. Now, it has been reduced its validity to three months and a single entry.

The Chargé d’Affaires of the U.S. Embassy in Havana, Mara Tekach, made the announcement. She explained that this is an alignment of reciprocity that is taking place in all countries.

She said : “when a country grants a visa or tourist card to U.S. citizens for a certain period of time, we will do the same with the citizens of that country who receive a U.S. visa”.

In this sense, Tekach, specified that the modification is based on the fact that Cuba gives U.S. visitors a ticket valid for only two months, with a possible extension for an additional month. On the other hand, for this category, the United States gives Cuban citizens multiple-entry visas valid for five years.

Mara Tekach also made it clear that the modification does not affect other visa categories for Cuban citizens. For example, this regulation does not affect to B1 visas for business travel or events, or F visas for academic or language studies.

U.S. State Department spokeswoman Lydia Barraza told to Univision journalist Mario Vallejo, that the measure will not be applied retroactively. For this reason, the people with multiple-entry visas to the United States can continue to enter the country until their permits expire.

Next, you can find the communiqué issued by the U.S. Embassy in Havana:

Reduction of the Validity of the B2 Visa for Cuban Nationals

Beginning March 18, 2019, the United States will reduce the validity of the B2 visa for Cuban nationals to three months with one entry. U.S. immigration law provides that visa fees and visa validity periods are reciprocal, whenever feasible, with the treatment offered to U.S. citizens. Cuba grants U.S. tourists single-entry visas for a two-month stay, extendable for another 30 days for a total of three months, for a fee of $50. Before the change in validity, we granted Cuban B2 visa applicants a multiple-entry visa with 60 months validity for $160. The State Department has reduced the validity of the B2 visa to three months and a single entry for Cuban nationals to match the lower validity granted by the Cuban government to U.S. citizens in similar categories.

The B2 visa category is for tourism, family visits, medical treatment and similar travel purposes. No other visa categories for Cuban nationals will be subject to modification.

If you are thinking travel to Cuba, take care about all these regulations.

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Moderates and reformists are not seen coming

Moderates and reformists are not seen coming

People who are in favor of democracy should be happy that they do not appear

The hard-line retransmitters have been reinforced within the Cuban regime. The situation in Venezuela and the hardening of US policy towards Cuba, with its repercussions on the economy, have made harden their discourse.

Not in vain did the term “communism“, return to the final text of the new Constitution. And those who oppose irrevocable socialism and the single party are also threatened.

The struggles perceived in the heights have ceased. It is not a good time for moderates and reformers to appear. Only the monologue is continuous and monotonous. The words that always appeals to the past.

One or another provincial secretary of the Communist Party sometimes shows some concern for the improvement of the living conditions of the population. But those few are overcome, in number and influence, by the indolent and incapable officials and also the corrupt ones.

The ministers in their Twitter accounts, instead of interacting with the population, they show their arrogance and block those who question their way of acting.

Changes in the regim

Firstly, the changes in these regimes usually do not bring good results. They derive easily into authoritarian governments and little attachment to legality. Eastern Europe had an experience like that. On the contrary, in countries where former communists and repressors retained quotas of power, they hindered change, continued corruption and even blackmailed democrats.

The extreme cases of failed transitions are Russia, Belarus and some former Soviet republics of Central Asia. Something like this could happen in Cuba if the communist nomenclature leads the changes.

To stop everithing, we would need a strong, coherent, determined and secure opposition leadership.

Opponents, beyond their courage to face repression, have not yet formed a united, solid and coherent front.
The population can not escape the fear, apathy and inertia achieved by the 60 years of dictatorship.

In the recent constitutional referendum it was demonstrated. We know that the regime manipulated the results.
At this point, the voting centers should have been empty.

When all those people voted yes out of fear, out of inertia refuse to meekly accept the impositions of the regime.
One way or another, the moment of change will come.


Not only among the population there is hypocrisy and simulation, there is also hypocrisy among many officials of the government. They are aware of the disaster, but who remain crouching, waiting for the moment to appear through the reformers and Save what you can from your power and privileges. With luck, by then, the true democrats will be prepared to face them and not allow them tricks and deception.

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